2019 general elections: The victory of an ideological vision

(This article was first published in Seminar journal) 

The Indian general elections of 2014 spelled a resounding shift in the power dynamics of the country with a decisive win for the Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP). Prime Minister Narendra Modi unveiled his vision and party’s mission for a New India over those five years. The BJP, with a confident leader and successful track record, went to the 2019 elections for continuity of this vision and mission. The election of 2019 was a battle of two ideas of India – one championed by Modi and the BJP, and the other by Rahul Gandhi and the Congress. Various facets of these two narratives and the reasons why voters had invested heavily in one while rejecting the other, makes an interesting lens to look through to understand India’s current political landscape.

In the run-up to the 2019 elections, two clear narratives had emerged. On one side was the Congress-led coalition of forces who opposed Modi on all counts, claiming that he was inimical to the democratic ethos of the country. On the other hand, the BJP supporters campaigned on the strength of Modi’s personal integrity that had remained untarnished, and that he had succeeded in pushing the growth agenda while constantly identifying with the masses.

Far beyond politics: BJP's revoking Article 370 reconnects India to Kashmir, home of Shaivism and our ancient traditions

(This article first appeared in DailyO on the day Parliament cleared revoking of Article 370)

“India, that is Bharat, shall be the union of states,” says Article 1 of the Indian Constitution.

Yet, vested interests, historical blunders and political short-sightedness over a period led to a progressive hacking of the country’s synaptic connection with the state of Jammu and Kashmir.

The popular narrative in the Valley which has so far dominated the discourse has been that it is Article 370 of the Indian Constitution that connects Kashmir with India — but the reality is that it has, over the years, alienated India from Kashmir and Kashmir from India.

Wake up Nayantara Sehgal, you are your own nightmare

This article first appeared on Ritam

On June 19, The Ideas Page of The Indian Express featured an article titled ‘Once upon a time, a nation’ in which noted novelist and author Nayantara Sehgal attempted to argue that the outcome of 2019 elections was based on ‘storytelling’ with no real basis. I disagree with her premise and here are the reasons why.

Sehgal claims that the nation of 130 crore people has bought a false story - again. The election result, she says, was no surprise to her and that was largely because of Yale professor Stanley Jason’s study of right-wing extremism and breakdown of democracies. Now, even as the mainstay of her argument is that a story was built ahead of the elections to fool people, what she presents in the following paragraphs is a spectacular formula story of her own.

Sehgal links the formula, as attributed to Stanley Jason, to contemporary India and draws the picture of a failing state. In Stanley’s formula the rise of right wing is hinged on a sense of fear, resentment, anger - be it in the form of mercenary majoritarianism or divisive nationalism. In this scenario, citizens are labelled, excluded and feared and a mood of hysteria is created. Even as Sehgal shows us this picture, she fails to notice that her own words and world view are also aimed at stoking fear and distrust – only hers is against a democratically elected government.

Modi is nothing if not a master of tough decisions

This article appeared on Ritam

The time period of 1942-47 found a curious mention by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in a speech last week while interacting with newly elected MPs. Evoking the historic phase that galvanised the country against the colonial rulers, Modi said that a similar mobilisation is now needed to win the battle against poverty. Interestingly, this was the second consecutive speech since his stunning victory in which he repeatedly mentioned poverty elimination as a target.

India’s battle against poverty has seen several decades, elections, governments, leaders and social changes. The mandate of 2019, however, has changed India’s development linguistics. The mandate has rejected the offer of short-term benefits and spoken in favour of enduring solutions. The electorate has increasingly shown awareness of the fact that the problem needs a holistic approach targeting the 350 million Below Poverty Line (BPL) population and also encompassing the 400 million strong middle class.

It is a fact that the achievements of Modi’s first term have laid the ground for substantial gains in his second term. Check on pilferages and corruption, disbursement of benefits to more than 20 crore people and implementation of transparency in governance are only some of these measures. It was a result of these that the government was re-elected for a second time with a bigger mandate. It is safe to say that no one is more aware of the strength of this mandate than Narendra Modi himself who is likely to wage a multi-pronged onslaught for revolutionary outcomes.

Karnataka & Goa Congress defections: Political opportunism or did ideology never matter?

This write-up appeared in the Talk Point segment of The Print

My take: Congress workers are disenchanted today and looking to the other side, which is making the right moves

A political party represents a unity of ideas and a coming together of like-minded people. Leaders may join or leave a party any time, which is why the message that a party stands for is far more important that the leaders themselves.

Congress is facing a ‘Ship of Theseus’ crisis today because its leaders have become bigger than the party itself. The Congress leadership, organisation and its ideology in 2019 is in deep trouble because of this.

Modi is an informed choice in 2019

(This article first appeared in Kamal Sandesh)

If in 2014 Modi was a gamble, in 2019 he has been an informed choice; if vote for Modi then was an expression of anti-incumbency, this time it has been an assertion of right choice; if Modi’14 was magic and wave, then Modi‘19 is the voice of ‘New India’ loud and clear.

While the 2019 election seems to have built up on the aspirations of 2014, there is one crucial way in which it has been different. In this election we are no longer looking through the narrow prism of old vertical identities of caste, language and religion, among others. We have now seen the rise of new interest groups such as poor, women, youth, disabled and farmers. As the old watertight and discriminatory identities are now blurring, people are now relating more to the emerging interest groups that represent their concerns better. In 2019, Modi has effectively captured the imagination of these interest groups and has come to represent the voice of an India of new identities.

Should Rahul Gandhi get rid of Leftist aides or is it still not enough to revive Congress?

(This write-up appeared as a 'Quick Take' in The Print)

Rahul Gandhi should know when you raise issues of fringe groups, you are likely to end up becoming one

Any long-lasting political victory stands on the foundation of an ideological movement. The Congress party of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi carried the legacy of Mahatma Gandhi and many Gandhians were part of its politics in post-Independence era. But decades of political splits and dissensions denuded this foundation and by 2006, the advisory council led by Sonia Gandhi was already full of people who were Left-leaning.

In truth, Rahul Gandhi simply followed this pattern and it was not surprising that many of his advisers were old Communists and pushed ideas that suited them. For example, the national vice-president of any mainstream political party will not easily go to JNU to protest the arrest of a student leader charged with raising anti-India slogans. When you raise issues of fringe organisations, you are likely to end up becoming one and that is exactly what Rahul Gandhi’s Congress did in the last few years. At a time when the Lok Sabha elections were taking place in the backdrop of a major terror attack, promising abolition of AFSPA and sedition law becomes an ideological luxury that one cannot afford.

The Rahul Gandhi-led Congress, influenced by Left-leaning organisations, does not represent the value systems that it did half a century ago. While there may be structural and organisational shortcomings in Rahul Gandhi’s Congress, but the real work lies in reinventing its ideological foundation – the only thing that can ensure its survival.

Is Modi correct in saying media is biased against him in his pre-election interviews?

(This write-up appeared as a 'Quick Take' in The Print)

It is time journalists remove their tinted glasses and see Modi for the man and the PM he is

As chief minister of Gujarat, Narendra Modi sustained a double-digit growth rate and started several innovative schemes, but was never credited in the media.

In the last five years too, Modi started several schemes that benefitted crores of people but an unbiased evaluation of these schemes was missing from the op-ed pages of the Delhi print media, especially the English media.

A section of the elite media sees him as an ‘outsider’ and approaches him with a sense of ‘otherness’. This segment does not see Modi as its representative. They are allowed to have their personal beliefs, but the problem is that it gets reflected in their professional output. Modi is an elected leader and even if journalists are unable to relate to Modi, they are duty-bound to cast their personal bias aside when making a journalistic call.

If Narendra Modi govt has built national highways at double the pace than the last government, if it has built crores of toilets, transferred more than Rs 5 lakh crore in more than 450 schemes through direct benefit transfer, or if it is talking about Dalit venture capitalist fund, then why these issues do not get as much mention as they deserve? If these schemes were implemented effectively, the benefit must have reached people from all sections of the society.

If the media were to be believed, Modi’s austerity is for shutterbugs, his interminable work hours a source of fun, and his nationalism just for show. Perhaps, this media should not be believed. Or, perhaps, it is time journalists removed their tinted glasses and see Modi for the man and the prime minister he is.

What can we expect from Narendra Modi in his second term?

(This write-up appeared as a 'Quick-Take' in The Print)

In his second term, Modi will make India more inclusive

If in 2014 Narendra Modi was a gamble, in 2019 he has been an informed choice. If the vote for Modi then was an expression of anti-incumbency, this time it has been an assertion of the right course. If Modi 1.0 was magic and wave, then Modi 2.0 is the voice of ‘New India’ loud and clear.

The Modi government was formed five years ago with the slogan of “Sabka Sath, Sabka Vikas” and in 2019, “Sabka Vishwas” has been added to this equation. Over the span of his first term, Modi tried to reach every section of society through a range of schemes and programmes. These programmes directly benefitted over 20 crore people and it has been a result of this that the 2019 elections have defied the traditional vertical identities of caste, language and religion, among others.

We now have the rise of interest groups – women, farmers, disabled, poor – with which people associate more. Modi has emerged as the voice of these interest groups and during his second term, these groups will be heard more and more, as he moves to make a more inclusive India.

The task ahead for Modi is not easy, but he has never been the one to choose an easy goal. In Modi, India has found the leader who has the grit to take difficult decisions without electoral considerations. In the coming years, we can expect more action on the lines of ‘what must be done’ by the government instead of ‘what can be done’.

TMC & the land of holy terror

(This article first appeared in the DNA newspaper)

A roadshow of BJP national president Amit Shah was attacked in Kolkata.  Priyanka Sharma, an activist of BJP’s youth wing, is arrested in Kolkata for making a meme of Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Journalists are heckled during election coverage in Asansol and the body of an opposition party activist is found hanging from a tree in Midnapore.

These are only some of the many incidents that signal that all is not well with democracy in the Mamata Banerjee-ruled West Bengal. The ‘Mamata model of politics’, it seems, has no room for opposition, media and free speech.
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Why BJP’s startup push is better for Indians looking for jobs than Congress’ Nyay

(This article first appeared in The Print)

A leaked National Sample Survey Office report putting India’s unemployment rate at a 45-year high in 2017-18 allowed the opposition parties to blame the Narendra Modi government for not creating enough jobs in the last five years. The BJP argued back by saying that India’s youth now have new avenues for jobs, which is reflected in the country’s booming startup ecosystem, massive infrastructure development and record rise in exports.

Given the emerging complexity of the job scenario, the contradictions in various employment data become understandable. While the latest data from the Employees’ Provident Fund Organisation (EPFO) shows that new enrolments rose to a 17-month high, the much cited NSSO data points towards the opposite direction. The near saturation of traditional employment sectors is an accepted fact. But what has largely gone undocumented is the rise of new innovation and technology driven jobs.

“Current job surveys that focus on employment in the traditional sectors no longer provide an accurate representation of job creation,” an Ernst & Young report, ‘Future of Jobs In India: A 2022 Perspective’, said while describing India’s job landscape as being in a transition phase — saturation in core sectors and parallel emergence of “new engines of job creation”. Among the trends it recognises, two are particularly relevant: absorption of surplus farm labour into self-employment/micro entrepreneurship and emergence of new opportunities created through Internet and technologies.

What tough election? A Modi wave will sweep Uttar Pradesh

(This article first appeared in DailyO) 

Rajesh Kumar works as an insurance agent in Pratapgarh district of Uttar Pradesh, where I met him last week during a visit. He belongs to the Dalit community and comes from a modest background. In the last five years, his family has got a house under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana and a cylinder under the Ujjwala Yojana.

He said he is definitely voting for Modi in this election.

Sachendra Singh is a well-off advocate in the same region. He says Modi’s decision to carry out surgical strikes has saved the honour of the country. He thinks India is safe in Modi’s hands — and he too is voting for Modi this time.

In this region of Uttar Pradesh, people swear by Prime Minister Narendra Modi — many have been beneficiaries of his schemes and many others admire his decisive leadership. His personality cult is strong and his personal integrity is unquestioned.

Ayodhya, Bofors, Communalism: Why India needs to remember Rajiv Gandhi’s reign as PM

(This article first appeared on DailyO)

It’s 2019 and India is in the slog overs of its crucial General Elections. With just a week left, you would think that the poll pitch would now be on the wane when Prime Minister Narendra Modi — who has been the single focus point of this election — says “Rajiv Gandhi was corrupt number 1” and all hell breaks loose.

Why, 28 years after his death, was Rajiv Gandhi invoked? How is he relevant to the contemporary political debate?

This election, as has often been reiterated, is a face-off between two distinct styles of politics that have taken shape in India. These two, today, are manifested in the form of the Narendra Modi-led BJP, on the one hand, and the Rahul Gandhi-led Congress on the other.

These two leaders represent two different narratives of Indian politics.

Prime Minister Modi, over the last five years, has come to stand for development, nationalism and security. However, the Congress still functions as a fiefdom of the Nehru-Gandhi family with the party president, Rahul Gandhi, flaunting the legacy of his father, the late Rajiv Gandhi. To many, it continues to represent the narrative of dynasty, appeasement and corruption and, without a doubt, to my mind and several others, Rajiv Gandhi was the epitome of this brand of politics.

Is BJP manifesto strong enough to make voters bring back Narendra Modi in May 2019?

(My take was published in the 'Talk Point' segment of ThePrint) 

BJP manifesto is practical, visionary and inclusive

While releasing the BJP Sankalp Patra, Prime Minister Narendra Modi presented a grand vision of a developed and prosperous India by 2047 and stressed that 2019-2024 would be the period to lay the foundation.

He said nationalism is the inspiration, antyodaya is the philosophy and good governance is the motto of the BJP.

Detractors have always been dismissive of the PM but what they fail to see in his choice of words and ideas is that he has managed to not only meet the aspirations of the people but also push them to desire for more and better.

This push for bigger objectives and the possibility of achieving a ‘great Indian dream’ are mirrored in the Sankalp Patra.

The Sankalp Patra presents 75 ‘resolves’ that are practical, visionary as well as inclusive. The manifesto talks about gaon (village), garib (poor), kisan (farmer), yuva (youth), as well as the middle class and neo-middle class. In this sense, it reflects collective as well as individual aspirations of our diverse electorate. The manifesto stresses on inclusive growth and has a nationalist vision. It offers a new security doctrine of ‘offensive defence’.

Farmers get significant attention with stress on doubling income and no interest on loans up to Rs 1 lakh via farmer credit card. It promises pension for marginal farmers, small shopkeepers and unorganised sector workers, and financial support of Rs 6,000 to all farmers.

People will vote for this manifesto not because it promises them sops but because it promises to make them resource creators.

This is a very strong document that is not just the manifesto of a party but the vision of a country.

Taking a pro-Modi stand: Why we are running the Academics4NaMo campaign

(This article first appeared on DailyO)

The campaign for the 2019 General Election is in full swing. It is the time when political leaders have hit poll trails, party offices are buzzing, and the news is full of who said what, where and when. In this milieu, it is easy to forget the larger picture — that the 2019 election is not a battle of seats or candidates or sops or data.

It is a battle of narratives and ideas.

Modi is the agenda

When Narendra Modi took the Prime Minister’s seat five years ago, the nation had voted decidedly against corruption and for a development model. In 2019, to my mind, Modi has come to represent a decisive, far-sighted and clean government that is willing to take chances for long-term goals and refuses to give in to pressure tactics.

As the country gets ready to vote, Modi himself has become the agenda.

PhDs in ‘national priorities’: How does Javadekar-led HRD stand affect Indian scholarship?

(My take was published in the 'Talk Point' segment of The Print)

Scholarship and research need rational approach and critical thinking. They carry a context and are conducted within predefined parameters. The methodology used in research is decided upon by the researcher and her/his supervisor after conducting a pre-research study and assessments.

Given the fact that our resources are limited and our socio-economic problems are numerous, what is needed in higher educational institutes is a framework for research topics. This is more important in social sciences as focused research can go a long way in finding lasting solutions to our critical national problems.

In the field of sciences, Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (TIFR), Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR), and Council of Scientific & Industrial Research (CSIR) among others have done a tremendous job at establishing a strong precedence and clear trajectory of research on indigenous subjects of contemporary and national importance. What the ministry has issued is an advisory to public-funded institutions and it is well within its rights to do so.

It is wrong to assume that topics of ‘national priority’ are inimical to research. In fact, this sort of a framework is bound to make our research landscape far more dynamic, productive and relevant than it is today. Of course, it is another matter entirely if the objections to this move stem from the very use of the word ‘national’ in academics.

Rahul Gandhi using 108 scholars’ dissent on data makes it political, not intellectual concern

(This article first appeared in The Print in co-authorship with Dr Vandana Mishra and Dr  Netajee Abhinandan)

Congress president Rahul Gandhi and other leaders of his party spared no time in attacking the Narendra Modi government after “108 economists and social scientists” called for restoration of “institutional independence and integrity to the statistical organisations.”

The use of the statement of academics as a political tool to score points raises serious doubts about the professed neutrality of this exercise, which has, lest one forgets, unfolded in the backdrop of a highly charged political environment with general elections less than a month away.

The nation is once again in danger, we are told, not from external aggressors but from a slugfest over statistical data. Newspapers and news portals last week told us that concerns had been raised over “political interference” and attempts to influence data collection and analysis in the country. The statement released by the group of academics said: “It (the statistical machinery) was often criticised for the quality of its estimates, but never were allegations made of political interference influencing decisions and the estimates themselves”.

Book Review: Flight of Deities and Rebirth of Temples by Meenakshi Jain

This article first appeared on IndiaFacts website

If stones could speak, the story of Indian temples and deities would have been one of resilience and rebirth in the face of persecution and annihilation. But as things stand, discomfiting truth has been surrendered for a more ‘suitable’ narrative. With academics driving this shift of truth-gears, the task of unravelling facts has become even more riddled. Meenakshi Jain, Senior Fellow at the Indian Council of Social Science Research, takes this challenge head-on in her latest book ‘Flight of Deities and Rebirth of Temples’.

The book traces the journey of deities and pulls out historical references to outline how temples were built again and again despite being razed by Muslim invaders. With this approach, she establishes that temples were not just plundered for wealth but, more importantly, desecrated with the intention of wiping out the faith associated with them. She also traces the journey of deities to counter the argument that the practice of desecrating temples was started by Hindu rulers. 

National Security and Rafael Deal

This article first appeared in Rashtriya Chatrashakti magazine

The recent escalation with Pakistan and the government’s bold decision to take the fight to the enemy territory has brought Indian’s national security and air power into sharp light. Speaking at a media event recently, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said that the air strike on Pakistan would have been even more deadly if India had Rafael fighter aircraft.

The Rafael fighters had been in news for months preceding this. Within a matter of two years, the BJP government had finalised the deal to procure the Rafael jets throwing into sharp contrast the dilly-dallying by the previous governments on the matter. With the general election in the offing, the Congress turned to the game of misdirection and raised questions on Rafael deal.

मोदी के ‘नए भारत’ में कैसे सुनिश्चित होगा सामाजिक न्याय

योजना मासिक मे प्रकाशित मेरा लेख

प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी ने अगस्त क्रांति के 75 साल पूरे होने के अवसर पर देशवासियों के बीच एक नए भारत (न्यू इंडिया) के निर्माण की बात कही. उन्होने कहा कि 1942 के भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन से अगले पांच साल तक लगातार अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ कुछ ना कुछ होता रहा जिसमें हर देशवासी किसी ना किसी स्तर पर जुड़ा था. आम लोगों ने मान लिया था कि अब स्वतंत्रता का लक्ष्य दूर नहीं और 1947 में वो लक्ष्य पूरा भी कर लिया गया. प्रधानमंत्री मोदी का कहना है कि अगर इसी तरह अगले पांच साल भी हर देशवासी कुछ मुद्दों को लेकर अपना योगदान करे तो एक नए भारत निर्माण का निर्माण हो सकता है. इसके लिए सभी अपनी रुचि के विषय चुन सकते हैं प्रधानमंत्री मोदी द्वारा सुझाए गए कुछ ऐसे विषय हैं जिन पर काम करके एक नए भारत के निर्माण में अपना योगदान दिया जा सकता है - भ्रष्टाचार मुक्त भारत, स्वच्छ भारत, गरीबी मुक्त भारत, आतंकवाद मुक्त भारत, सांप्रदायिकता मुक्त भारत और जातिवाद मुक्त भारत. अगले पांच साल इन विषयों पर काम करके निश्चय ही एक नए भारत का निर्माण हो सकता है जो समृद्ध, समर्थ, समरस होगा और राष्ट्र परमवैभव की ओर अग्रसर हो सकेगा.

इस लेख में प्रधानमंत्री मोदी के सपने के नए भारत के एक महत्वपूर्ण पहलू पर चर्चा की गई है जो जातिवादमुक्त भारत के मुद्दे से जुड़ा है. इसमें इस विषय पर विचार किया गया है कि नए भारत में जातीय वैमनस्यता कैसे कम होगी, सामाजिक न्याय कैसे सुनिश्चित होगा, समतामूलक और समरस भारत का निर्माण कैसे होगा.